On the antlers of a dilemma 經濟學人諷刺馬政府... 上一個兩難的鹿角 @ 愛薇塔樂學英文

On the antlers of a dilemma

On the antlers of a dilemma 經濟學人諷刺馬政府...上一個兩難的鹿角

The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China

Mar 29th 2014 | 馬英九，台灣總統的野心碰撞與中國流行的猜疑

2014年3月29日 from

http://www.economist.com/

THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.

新鮮面良好的外觀已經排到並通過辦公室的關心繪製。他完美無暇的英語被撇下的完美普通話的尊嚴。耐心答复，問題來疲倦，好像說過很多次。但是60年後他擔任總統，馬英九的頭髮仍然是鬱鬱蔥蔥，烏黑任何中國中央政治局委員的。而且，在台北總統府說，他仍然是不願意在北京任何一個領導人承認自己在戰略上的任何根本的缺陷。

Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.

也許馬先生靈感來自他的肖像孫中山，他的執政黨，國民黨（國民黨）的創始人，並在1912年，中國的中華民國到台灣政府還欠它的名字。太陽尊為民族英雄不只是國民黨，但是，海峽兩岸，由中國共產黨了。馬先生也可能希望海峽，在他的案件，負責一個歷史性和解的領導者的兩側被宴請。但就目前而言，台灣與中國之間的和解仍然遙遠。和馬先生，一旦國民黨的最受歡迎的政治家，被對手嘲笑為“9％的總統”，一提到他的支持率在民意調查去年秋天。

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Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.

改善與中國的關係一直是他的政府的中心主題，八年由民主進步黨（民進黨），其中，傾向於宣布正式獨立從大陸統治的緊張局勢後。馬先生可以誇耀與中國簽訂21協議。他轆關閉兩個快速經濟一體化的數字：一個增加了10倍於內地遊客六年台灣，到2.85米在2013年，從沒有在所有118天天兩岸航班，雙向貿易，包括與香港，高達每年$ 160十億。

China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.

中國的戰略重新吸收台灣是平原。由於島上的經濟變得更加錯綜複雜與廣闊的大陸，中國認為，耐統一將減弱。那麼台灣成為中國 - 香港這樣的“自主”的一部分，雖然讓自己的軍隊。台灣回到祖國而不可求的導彈和日益強大的武裝力量不等反對。但正如馬雲看來，兩岸“和解”是抵禦中國的侵略的第一道防線，因為“單方面舉動內地的非和平手段改變現狀會付出了高昂的代價”。在台灣的政治是誣陷，大約為獨立或統一的爭論，但實際上是關於維持現狀。

The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.

在和解與中國的下一步將是政治領導人之間的會晤。今年二月在南京，一旦所有中國的國民黨政府的首都，來自中國大陸和台灣的部長舉行了第一次正式會議自1949年以來。馬先生希望，以滿足中國國家主席習近平，在北京這個11月，在亞太經濟合作組織（APEC）峰會。為了適應香港和台灣，亞太經濟合作組織的成員是不是“國家”，而是“經濟體”。所以，習近平和馬可先生為“經濟領袖”，迴避棘手的協議，通常狗的關係，與中國台灣觀看作為一個單純的全省見面。中國的異議。但馬先生認為開會的地方是“不可能性的範圍之外”。

This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.

這樣的背景下解釋了為什麼反對與大陸服務貿易協定的抗議運動是多帶點當地的困難馬先生。學生佔據國會訴諸不民主的手段，以及許多他們與民進黨做出有關貿易協定的論據似是而非。但他們已經挖掘與內地的經濟融合和馬先生的流行不信任的脈。本土台灣人，在島上之間的分裂持續了幾代人，外省人，像馬先生，他的家人就過來了國民黨輸掉了內戰在20世紀40年代。示威者描繪馬先生作為一個大陸跟屁蟲或無能和脫節。在被佔領議會，學生的漫畫給他的鹿角，參考一滑，他曾把他似乎表明，在中國醫學中使用的鹿鹿角實際上是頭髮從動物的耳朵。

Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.

馬先生說，民意支持“馬璽”峰會。吳釗燮民進黨，然而，聲稱這樣的會議實際上會破壞國民黨在下屆總統選舉，於2016年到期，相反，他說，馬英九正試圖留下的個人遺產。民進黨的領導在民意測驗報警不只是中國政府，而且美國，這可以沒有另一個爆發在一個危險的區域。在強大的中國的增長，更多的台灣的安全取決於來自美國的承諾。它交換外交承認北京在1979年，但當時美國國會通過了一項法律，迫使它來幫助台灣自衛。