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Hillary Clinton pummels Obama foreign policy希拉里·克林頓擊打奧巴馬外交政策

By Frida Ghitis
August 11, 2014 -- Updated 1437 GMT (2237 HKT)
Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, pictured in October 2012, has become one of the most powerful people in Washington. Here's a look at her life and career through the years.Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, pictured in October 2012, has become one of the most powerful people in Washington. Here's a look at her life and career through the years.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Hillary Clinton's career in the spotlight
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STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • Hillary Clinton rejects idea of foreign policy based on "don't do stupid stuff"
  • Frida Ghitis: Clinton declared her independence and her interest in running in 2016
  • She says Clinton advocated a more muscular, ideological policy than President Obama
  • Ghitis: Clinton would have aided Syrian rebels earlier and backed Israel more strongly

Editor's note: Frida Ghitis is a world affairs columnist for The Miami Herald and World Politics Review. A former CNN producer and correspondent, she is the author of "The End of Revolution: A Changing World in the Age of Live Television." Follow her on Twitter@FridaGhitis. The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.

(CNN) -- Yes, Hillary Clinton is running for president, and she is running away from President Barack Obama's record on foreign policy.

That's a very clear message from the interview just published in The Atlantic in which she drew sharp distinctions between her view of America's role in the world and those of the President, while also expressing significant disagreements with him over the right approach to ongoing crises in the Middle East.

Frida Ghitis
Frida Ghitis

In a dramatic dismissal of the Obama administration's self-described foreign policy doctrine of "Don't do stupid stuff," Clinton declared, "Great nations need organizing principles and 'Don't do stupid stuff' is not an organizing principle."

Clinton clothed her criticism in respect of her "incredibly intelligent" former boss, but Obama may have clenched his jaw with irritation when he read the polite pummeling from his former secretary of state. Clinton promptly explained that even she didn't think that Obama really meant that is his foreign policy doctrine. (The name Obama used to describe the policy, incidentally, uses a four-letter word instead of "stuff.") She claimed that the catchy phrase was an effort to convey to Americans wary of U.S. misadventures in faraway lands that he was not about to do "something crazy."

Still, Clinton articulated a vision for a much more assertive U.S. role in the world, one that contrasts sharply with Obama's. In doing so, she brandished a lacerating analysis of the administration's foreign policy. Most troubling for Obama was her intimation that some of the most difficult, dangerous and deadly problems raging in the Middle East today might have been avoided if Obama had acted more promptly and less hesitantly.

Clinton splits with Obama on foreign policy

 
Clinton breaks with Obama policy

The interview with The Atlantic's Jeffrey Goldberg was a landmark moment in her quest for the office. She has made the big break with Obama and filled out an important part of her job application, telling Americans concerned about the country's place in the world why they should vote for her.

 
Clinton: Putin is arrogant and tough

Like any statement made by a political candidate, there were unmistakable political calculations in her well-chosen words. It is clear that she believes her biggest political challenge lies on the right, not on the left, if nothing happens to dissuade her from running, which she evidently wants to do. The strategy is already that of a nominee, safe in the support of her party, seeking to peel away centrist voters and even conservative voters in the general election rather than courting the Democratic base in the primaries.

Many in the base, the hard-core, left-of-center Democrats, will resent her implied denunciation of Obama's cautious style which, she contended, has swung too far in the opposite direction after the Bush years.

"When you're down on yourself," she said, "when you're hunkering down and pulling back, you're not going to make any better decisions than when you were aggressively, belligerently putting yourself forward." The government, she said, has a tendency to swing between those extremes.

She proposes a midcourse. "We've learned the limits of America's power to spread freedom and democracy," she acknowledged, "but we've also learned the importance of our power, our influence, and our values appropriately deployed and explained." Right now, she argued, "We don't tell our own story very well."

When the Soviet Union fell, an ideological vacuum was filled by dangerous ideologies. Clinton appears to view Islamic extremism as the foremost foe facing America. She also is concerned about muscular nationalism of the kind Russian President Vladimir Putin is utilizing to spread Russia's influence.

America's main threats are Jihadi groups, now controlling territory in Syria and Iraq and determined to expand; Clinton views them as ideological enemies of the United States. "I'm thinking a lot about containment, deterrence, and defeat," she said, drawing a parallel with the Cold War era.

She did not push back against the suggestion that the rise of the Islamic extremists of ISIS might have been prevented if Obama had armed Syrian moderates three years ago.

Although he has approved increased support, Obama has rejected the notion that "former farmers or teachers or pharmacists" in the opposition could have succeeded with U.S. help. But Clinton disagrees. By failing to arm a force of carefully vetted moderates, the United States made it possible for extremists to take over the fight. Some of those extremists, who have captured large swaths of Syria, are now in Iraq, where Obama reluctantly agreed last week to intervene in what is a strategic and humanitarian calamity.

Clinton took what appears to be a harder line than the administration on nuclear negotiations with Iran. She laughed in describing Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's position "that they don't have any intention of having a nuclear weapon but they nevertheless want 190,000 centrifuges." She rejected Iran's claim that it has a right to enrichment, and said America's stance should allow only a minimal number of centrifuges for research purposes.

Regarding Israel and the Palestinians, she spoke in words that Israel's supporters will find reassuring. "There's no doubt in my mind that Hamas initiated this conflict." Israel, she said emphatically, "has the right to defend itself." That is something Obama has said repeatedly, but Clinton spoke much more forcefully than the Obama administration has.

Regarding civilian casualties, she spoke of the difficulty of fighting an enemy embedded in civilian areas. "The ultimate responsibility," she said, "rests with Hamas."

Hamas, she said, is not a group the United States could work with, given its commitment to the destruction of Israel, "married to very nasty tactics and ideologies, including virulent anti-Semitism." Clinton argued that international criticism of Israel and disproportional attention to what it does is partly the result of anti-Semitism, particularly in Europe.

She listed the many times Israel has made far-reaching peace proposals to Palestinians. "I don't care about revisionist history," she said. "I know that (Yasser) Arafat walked away," and expressed sympathy for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's position on a military withdrawal from the West Bank. "If I were the prime minister of Israel," she said, "You're damn right I would expect to have control over security, for a number of years." "With Syria and Iraq," she said "it is all one big threat."

It is no secret that Clinton has advocated a much more internationally engaged, muscular and even ideological foreign policy, aimed at promoting America's values, which "also happen to be universal values."

She has now cast herself apart from the Obama administration on key aspects of world affairs, and sent a message to centrist voters, and to international audiences, that a Hillary Clinton administration would not look like its predecessor's.

希拉里·克林頓擊打奧巴馬外交政策
通過弗里達Ghitis
2014年8月11日 - 更新1437 GMT(2237 HKT)
前國務卿希拉里·克林頓,攝於2012年10月,成為了最有權勢的人在華盛頓的一個。 下面就來看看她的生活和事業經過多年。 前國務卿希拉里·克林頓,攝於2012年10月,成為了最有權勢的人在華盛頓的一個。下面就來看看她的生活和事業經過多年。
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希拉里的職業生涯在聚光燈下
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新聞提要
希拉里拒絕基於外交政策的想法“不做愚蠢的東西”
弗里達Ghitis:克林頓宣布獨立了,和她在跑步,2016年利息
她說,克林頓倡導的肌肉更發達,意識形態的政策比奧巴馬總統
Ghitis:克林頓將資助敘利亞反政府武裝更早,支持以色列更強烈
編者按:弗里達Ghitis是世界事務專欄作家邁阿密先驅和世界政治評論。一位前美國有線新聞網製片人和記者,她是作者“革命的終結:在電視直播時代不斷變化的世界” 按照她的Twitter上@FridaGhitis。發表本評論中的觀點僅為作者。
(CNN) -是的,希拉里·克林頓競選總統,她是從美國總統奧巴馬的外交政策紀錄逃跑。
這是從一個非常明確的信息,面試只是發表我 n中的大西洋中,她吸引了美國在世界上的角色她看來和那些總統之間的明顯區別,同時也表達了他顯著分歧的正確方法,以持續的危機中東。
弗里達Ghitis
弗里達Ghitis
在奧巴馬政府的自我描述的戲劇性解僱的外交政策原則的“不要做愚蠢的東西”,克林頓宣稱,“偉大的國家需要的組織原則和”不要做愚蠢的東西“不是一個組織原則。”
克林頓穿著她的批評,尊重她“難以置信的聰明”前任老闆,但奧巴馬可能已經握緊了他的下巴有刺激性,當他從他的前國務卿閱讀禮貌滑跌。克林頓立即解釋說,即使她沒有想到的是,奧巴馬真正的意思是他的外交政策原則。(奧巴馬用來形容的名稱策略,順便說一句,使用,而不是一個四個字母的單詞“東西”),她聲稱,朗朗上口的短語是為了傳達給美國人在遙遠的土地上,他是不是擔心美國的不幸的事做“瘋狂的事情。”
儘管如此,克林頓闡述的願景在世界上更自信美國的作用,一個鮮明的對比與奧巴馬的。在這樣做時,她揮舞政府外交政策的割裂分析。最令人頭疼的奧巴馬是她的暗示,一些最困難的,危險的和致命的問題在中東肆虐的今天也許可以避免,如果奧巴馬採取了行動更迅速,減少欲言又止。
克林頓與奧巴馬打出外交政策
克林頓打破了奧巴馬政策
與大西洋的杰弗裡·戈德堡採訪是在她追求的辦公室一個具有里程碑意義的時刻。她已與奧巴馬的重大突破,填補了她的求職申請的重要組成部分,告訴美國人擔心該國在世界上,為什麼他們應該投票給她的地方。
希拉里:普京是傲慢和強硬
就像一個政治候選人作出的陳述,有明確無誤的政治算計在她精心挑選的話。很顯然,她相信她的最大的政治挑戰是在右邊,而不是左邊,如果沒有任何反應,從跑步,她顯然想要做勸阻她。該戰略已經是一個被提名人,安全在她的政黨的支持,尋求剝離中間派選民,甚至保守派選民在大選中,而不是討好民主黨基地的初選。
很多的基地,硬核,左的中心民主黨人,會反感奧巴馬的謹慎風格,她辯稱,已經擺得太遠,在布什執政後,向相反的方向她暗示退出。
“當你失意的自己,”她說,“當你盤坐在拉回來了,你不打算做任何比當你積極地做出更好的決策,頑固的把自己前進。” 政府,她說,有一種傾向,這些極端之間擺動。

她提出了中段。“我們已經學會了美國的力量來傳播自由和民主的界限,”她承認,“但我們也了解到我們的力量,我們的影響力的重要性,以及我們的價值觀正確部署和解釋。” 眼下,她說,“我們不知道我們自己的故事非常好。”
當蘇聯倒下了,一個意識形態真空,填補了危險的意識形態。克林頓似乎將伊斯蘭極端主義成為美國面臨的最重要的敵人。她也非常關注俄羅斯總統普京正在利用傳播俄羅斯的影響的那種肌肉發達的民族主義。
美國的主要威脅是聖戰組織,目前控制的領土,敘利亞和伊拉克,並銳意拓展; 克林頓,當成美國的意識形態敵人。“我想了很多關於遏制,威懾和擊敗,”她說,繪畫與冷戰時代的並行。
她沒有推回防的建議,ISIS的伊斯蘭極端分子的崛起可能會被阻止,如果奧巴馬不得不武裝敘利亞溫和派三年前。
雖然他已經批准了更多的支持,奧巴馬已經拒絕了這一概念的“ 前農民,教師或藥師 “反對派可能會成功,但美國的幫助。但是,克林頓不同意。由於沒有武裝的仔細審核溫和派的力量,美國使人們有可能為極端分子接管了戰鬥。其中一些極端分子,誰已抓獲敘利亞大片的,現在在伊拉克,奧巴馬勉強上週同意在什麼是戰略和人道主義災難的干預。
克林頓採取了什麼似乎是一個更加強硬的路線比對與伊朗核談判的政府。她笑著形容伊朗最高領袖哈梅內伊的地位“,他們並沒有擁有核武器的打算,但他們仍然希望19萬台離心機。” 她拒絕了伊朗聲稱它有權鈾濃縮的權利,並說,美國的立場應該讓離心機用於研究目的只有數盡可能少。
關於以色列和巴勒斯坦人,她說話的話,以色列的支持者們感到欣慰。“有一個在我心中毫無疑問,哈馬斯發起的這場衝突。” 以色列,她強調說,“有自衛的權利。” 那是後話,奧巴馬曾多次表示,但克林頓說話更有力地比奧巴馬政府。
關於平民傷亡,說著說著戰鬥嵌入在民用領域的敵人的難度。“最終的責任,”她說,“在於哈馬斯。”
哈馬斯,她說,是不是一組美國可以工作了,因為它要摧毀以色列的承諾,“結婚很討厭的戰術和思想,包括劇毒的反猶太主義。” 克林頓認為,以色列和不成比例的關注國際社會的批評,以它做什麼部分是反猶太主義,特別是在歐洲的結果。
她列舉了很多次,以色列取得了深遠的和平建議,以巴勒斯坦人。“我不關心歷史修正主義,”她說。“我知道(阿拉法特)阿拉法特走了”,並表示同情總理內塔尼亞胡的立場上,從西岸撤軍。“如果我是以色列的總理,”她說,“你該死的權利,我希望有對安全的控制,對於一些年了。” “與敘利亞和伊拉克,”她說,“這完全是一個很大的威脅。”
這不是克林頓倡導一個更國際化經營,肌肉,甚至思想的外交政策,旨在促進美國的價值觀,這秘密“也恰巧是普世價值。”
她現在已經投下自己除了奧巴馬政府對世界事務的主要方面,並傳話給中間派選民,以及向國際觀眾,一個希拉里克林頓政府不會像它的前輩的。

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