Romans羅馬書
Epistle to the Romans
The Epistle to the Romans, often shortened to Romans, is the sixth book in the New Testament. Biblical scholars agree that it was composed by the Apostle Paul to explain that salvation is offered through the gospel of Jesus Christ. It is the longest of the Pauline epistles and is considered his "most important theological legacy".[1][2]
General presentation[edit]
In the opinion of Jesuit scholar Joseph Fitzmyer, the book, "overwhelms the reader by the density and sublimity of the topic with which it deals, the gospel of the justification and salvation of Jew and Greek alike by the grace of God through faith in Jesus Christ, revealing the uprightness and love of God the father."[3]
N. T. Wright notes that Romans is
...neither a systematic theology nor a summary of Paul's lifework, but it is by common consent his masterpiece. It dwarfs most of his other writings, an Alpine peak towering over hills and villages. Not all onlookers have viewed it in the same light or from the same angle, and their snapshots and paintings of it are sometimes remarkably unalike. Not all climbers have taken the same route up its sheer sides, and there is frequent disagreement on the best approach. What nobody doubts is that we are here dealing with a work of massive substance, presenting a formidable intellectual challenge while offering a breathtaking theological and spiritual vision.[4]
Authorship[edit]
According to traditional scholarly consensus, Paul authored the Epistle to the Romans. Few scholars have argued against Paul's authorship.
C. E. B. Cranfield, in the introduction to his commentary on Romans, says:
The denial of Paul's authorship of Romans by such critics... is now rightly relegated to a place among the curiosities of NT scholarship. Today no responsible criticism disputes its Pauline origin. The evidence of its use in the Apostolic Fathers is clear, and before the end of the second century it is listed and cited as Paul's. Every extant early list of NT books includes it among his letters. The external evidence of authenticity could indeed hardly be stronger; and it is altogether borne out by the internal evidence, linguistic, stylistic, literary, historical and theological.[5]
Dating[edit]
The letter was most probably written while Paul was in Corinth, and probably while he was staying in the house of Gaius and transcribed by Tertius his amanuensis.[6] There are a number of reasons Corinth is most plausible. Paul was about to travel to Jerusalem on writing the letter, which matches Acts[Acts 20:3] where it is reported that Paul stayed for three months inGreece. This probably implies Corinth as it was the location of Paul’s greatest missionary success in Greece.[7] AdditionallyPhoebe was a deacon of the church in Cenchreae, a port to the east of Corinth, and would have been able to convey the letter to Rome after passing through Corinth and taking a ship from Corinth’s west port.[7] Erastus, mentioned inRomans 16:23, also lived in Corinth being the city's commissioner for public works and city treasurer at various times, again indicating that the letter was written in Corinth.[8]
The precise time at which it was written is not mentioned in the epistle, but it was obviously written when the collection for Jerusalem had been assembled and Paul was about to "go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints", that is, at the close of his second visit to Greece, during the winter preceding his last visit to that city.[9] The majority of scholars writing on Romans propose the letter was written in late 55/early 56 or late 56/early 57.[10] Early 58 and early 55 both have some support, while German New Testament scholar Gerd Lüdemann argues for a date as early as 51/52 (or 54/55) following on from Knox who proposed 53/54. Lüdemann is the only serious challenge to the consensus of mid to late 50s.[11]
Subscriptions[edit]
Some manuscripts have a subscription at the end of the Epistle:
- προς Ρωμαιους ("to the Romans") is found in these manuscripts: Codex Sinaiticus, Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Vaticanus, Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus, Codex Bezae;
- προς Ρωμαιους εγραφη απο Κορινθου ("to the Romans it was written from Corinth"): B2, D2 (P);
- προς Ρωμαιους εγραφη απο Κορινθου δια Φοιβης της διακονου ("to the Romans it was written from Corinth by Phoebus the deacon"): 42, 90, 216, 339, 462,466*, 642;
- εγραφη η προς Ρωμαιους επιστολη δια Τερτιου επεμφτη δε δια Φοιβης απο Κορινθιων της εν Κεγχρεαις εκκλησιας ("the epistle to the Romans was written by Tertius and was sent by Phoebus from the Corinthians of the church in Cenchreae"): only in 337;
- προς Ρωμαιους εγραφη απο Κορινθου δια Φοιβης της διακονου της εν Κεγχρεαις εκκλησιας ("to the Romans it was written from Corinth by Phoebus the deacon of the church in Cenchreae"): 101, 241, 460, 466, 469, 602, 603, 605, 618, 1923, 1924, 1927, 1932, followed by Textus Receptus.[12]
Paul's life in relation to his epistle[edit]
For ten years before writing the letter (approx. 47–57), Paul had traveled around the territories bordering the Aegean Seaevangelizing. Churches had been planted in the Roman provinces of Galatia, Macedonia, Achaia and Asia. Paul, considering his task complete, wanted to preach the gospel in Spain, where he would not "build upon another man’s foundation".[Rom 15:20][13] This allowed him to visit Rome on the way, a long time ambition of his. The letter to the Romans, in part, prepares them and gives reasons for his visit.[13]
In addition to Paul’s geographic location, his religious views are important. First, Paul was a Hellenistic Jew with a Pharisaicbackground (see Gamaliel), integral to his identity, see Paul the Apostle and Judaism for details. His concern for his people is one part of the dialogue and runs throughout the letter. Second, the other side of the dialogue is Paul’s conversion and calling to follow Christ in the early 30s.
The Church in Rome[edit]
The most probable ancient account of the beginning of Christianity in Rome is given by a 4th-century writer known as Ambrosiaster:[14]
It is established that there were Jews living in Rome in the times of the Apostles, and that those Jews who had believed [in Christ] passed on to the Romans the tradition that they ought to profess Christ but keep the law [Torah] ... One ought not to condemn the Romans, but to praise their faith, because without seeing any signs or miracles and without seeing any of the apostles, they nevertheless accepted faith in Christ, although according to a Jewish rite.[15]
From Adam Clarke:
The occasion of writing the epistle: ... Paul had made acquaintance with all circumstances of the Christians at Rome ... and finding that it was ... partly of heathens converted to Christianity, and partly of Jews, who had, with many remaining prejudices, believed in Jesus as the true Messiah, and that many contentions arose from the claims of the Gentiles to equal privileges with the Jews, and from absolute refusal of the Jews to admit these claims, unless the Gentile converts become circumcised; he wrote this epistle to adjust and settle these differences.[16]
At this time, the Jews made up a substantial number in Rome, and their synagogues, frequented by many, enabled the Gentiles to become acquainted with the story of Jesus of Nazareth. Consequently, churches composed of both Jews and Gentiles were formed at Rome. According to Irenaeus, a 2nd-century Church Father, the church at Rome was founded directly by the apostles Peter and Paul.[17] However, many modern scholars disagree with Irenaeus, holding that while little is known of the circumstances of the church's founding, it was not founded by Paul.[18]
Many of the brethren went out to meet Paul on his approach to Rome.[Acts 28:13–15] There is evidence that Christians were then in Rome in considerable numbers and probably had more than one place of meeting.[19]
Jews were expelled from Rome because of disturbances around AD 49 by the edict of Claudius.[20] Fitzmyer claims that both Jews and Jewish Christians were expelled as a result of their infighting.[21] Claudius died around the year AD 54, and his successor, Emperor Nero, allowed the Jews back into Rome, but then, after the Great Fire of Rome of 64, Christians were persecuted. Fitzmyer argues that with the return of the Jews to Rome in 54 new conflict arose between the Gentile Christians and the Jewish Christians who had formerly been expelled.[22] Keck thinks Gentile Christians may have developed a dislike of or looked down on Jews (see also Antisemitism and Responsibility for the death of Jesus), because they theologically rationalized that Jews were no longer God's people.[23]
Style[edit]
While scholars are often able to determine aspects of the context of NT writers from their letters, it is much more difficult to understand Paul's letter to the Romans. Scholars often have difficulty assessing whether Romans is a letter or an epistle:
A letter is something non-literary, a means of communication between persons who are separated from each other. Confidential and personal in nature, it is intended only for the person or persons to whom it is addressed, and not at all for the public or any kind of publicity...An Epistle is an artistic literary form, just like the dialogue, the oration, or the drama. It has nothing in common with the letter except its form: apart from that one might venture the paradox that the epistle is the opposite of a real letter. The contents of the epistle are intended for publicity—they aim at interesting "the public."[24]
Joseph Fitzmyer argues, from evidence put forth by Stirewalt, that the style of Romans is an "essay-letter."[25] Philip Melanchthon, a writer during the Reformation, suggested that Romans was caput et summa universae doctrinae christianae ("a summary of all Christian doctrine").[26] While some scholars attempt to suggest, like Melanchthon, that it is a type of theological treatise, this view largely ignores chapters 14 and 15 of Romans. There are also many "noteworthy elements" missing from Romans that are included in other areas of the Pauline corpus.[27] The breakdown of Romans as a treatise began with F.C. Baur in 1836 when he suggested "this letter had to be interpreted according to the historical circumstances in which Paul wrote it."[26]
Paul sometimes uses a style of writing common in his time called a "diatribe". He appears to be responding to a "heckler", and the letter is structured as a series of arguments. In the flow of the letter, Paul shifts his arguments, sometimes addressing the Jewish members of the church, sometimes the Gentile membership and sometimes the church as a whole.
Purposes of writing[edit]
The main purpose of the epistle to the Romans is given by Paul in Romans 1:1, where he reveals that he is set apart by God for the purpose of preaching the Gospel, which he explains. He wishes to impart to the Roman readers a gift of encouragement and assurance in all that God has freely given them (seeRomans 1:11–12; 1 Corinthians 2:12).
The purposes of the apostle in dictating this letter to his Amanuensis Tertius[16:22] is also articulated in the second half of chapter 15:
- Paul asks for prayers for his forthcoming journey to Jerusalem; he hopes that the offering collected from the Gentile churches will be accepted there.
- Paul is planning to travel to Rome from Jerusalem and to spend some time there before moving on to Spain; he hopes the Roman church will support his mission to Spain.
- Since Paul has never been to Rome, he outlines his gospel so that his teaching will not be confused by that of "false teachers".
- Paul is aware that there is some conflict between Gentile and Jewish Christians in the Roman church, and he addressed those concerns (chapters thirteen and the first half of fourteen). While the Roman church was presumably founded by Jewish Christians, the exile of Jews from Rome in AD 49 by Claudiusresulted in Gentile Christians taking leadership positions.
To review the current scholarly viewpoints on the purpose of Romans, along with a bibliography, see Dictionary of Paul and His Letters.[28] For a 16th-century "Lollard" reformer view, reference can be made to the work of William Tyndale. In his prologue to his translation of the book of Romans, which was largely taken from the prologue of German Reformer Martin Luther, Tyndale writes that:
... this epistle is the principal and most excellent part of the new testament, and most pure evangelion, that is to say glad tidings and what we call the gospel, and also a light and a way in unto the whole scripture ... The sum and whole cause of the writings of this epistle, is, to prove that a man is justified by faith only: which proposition whoso denieth, to him is not only this epistle and all that Paul writeth, but also the whole scripture, so locked up that he shall never understand it to his soul's health. And to bring a man to the understanding and feeling that faith only justifieth, Paul proveth that the whole nature of man is so poisoned and so corrupt, yea and so dead concerning godly living or godly thinking, that it is impossible for her to keep the law in the sight of God.[29]
Contents[edit]
This essay-letter composed by Paul was written to a specific audience at a specific time; to understand it, the situations of both Paul and the recipients must be understood.
Prologue (1:1–15)[edit]
Greeting (1:1–7)[edit]
The introduction[Rom 1:1–16] provides some general notes about Paul. He introduces his apostleship here and introductory notes about the gospel he wishes to preach to the church at Rome. Jesus' human line stems from David.[1:3] Paul, however, does not limit his ministry to Jews. Paul's goal is that the Gentiles would also hear the gospel.[1:5]
Prayer of Thanksgiving (1:8–15)[edit]
He commends the Romans for their faith.[1:8] Paul also speaks of the past obstacles that have blocked his coming to Rome earlier.[1:11–13]
Salvation in Christ (1:16–8:39)[edit]
Righteousness of God (1:16–17)[edit]
Paul's announcement that he is not "ashamed" (epaiscúnomai) of his gospel because it holds power (dúnamis). These two verses form a backdrop for the rest of the book. First, we note that Paul is unashamed of his love for this gospel that he preaches about Jesus Christ. He also notes that he is speaking to the "Jew first."[1:16]There is significance to this, but much of it is scholarly conjecture as the relationship of Paul the Apostle and Judaism is still debated. We are hard-pressed to find an answer to such a question without knowing more about the audience in question. Wayne Brindle argues, based on Paul's former writings against the Judaizers inGalatians and 2 Corinthians, that rumors had probably spread about Paul totally negating the Jewish existence in a Christian world, see also Antinomianism in the New Testament and Supersessionism. Paul may have used the "Jew first" approach to counter such a view.[30]
Condemnation: The Universal corruption of Gentiles and Jews (1:18–3:20)[edit]
The judgment of God (1:18–32)[edit]
Paul now begins into the main thrust of his letter. He begins by suggesting that humans have taken up ungodliness and wickedness for which there will be wrath from God.[1:18] People have taken God's invisible image and made him into an idol. Paul draws heavily here from the Wisdom of Solomon.[31] He condemns unnatural sexual behavior and warns that such behavior will result in a depraved body and mind[1:26–27] and says that people who do such things (including murder and wickedness [1:29]) are worthy of death.[1:32] Paul stands firmly against the idol worship system which was common in Rome.
Paul's warning of hypocrites (2:1–4)[edit]
On the traditional Protestant interpretation, Paul here calls out Jews who are condemning others for not following the law when they themselves are also not following the law. Stanley Stowers, however, has argued on rhetorical grounds that Paul is in these verses not addressing a Jew at all but rather an easily recognizable caricature of the typical boastful person (ὁ ἀλαζων). Stowers writes, "There is absolutely no justification for reading 2:1–5 as Paul's attack on 'the hypocrisy of the Jew.' No one in the first century would have identified ho alazon with Judaism. That popular interpretation depends upon anachronistically reading later Christian characterizations of Jews as 'hypocritical Pharisees'".[32] See also Anti-Judaism.
Justification: The Gift of Grace and Forgiveness through Faith (3:21–5:11)[edit]
Paul says that a righteousness from God has made itself known apart from the law, to which the law and prophets testify, and this righteousness from God comes through faith in Jesus to all who believe.[3:21–22] He describes justification – legally clearing the believer of the guilt and penalty of sin – as a gift of God,[3:24] and not the work of man (lest he might boast), but by faith.[3:28]
Assurance of salvation (5–11)[edit]
In chapters five through eight, Paul argues that believers can be assured of their hope in salvation, having been freed from the bondage of sin. Paul teaches that through faith,[3:28] [4:3] the faithful have been joined with Jesus[5:1] and freed from sin.[6:1–2] [6:18] Believers should celebrate in the assurance of salvation.[12:12] This promise is open to everyone since everyone has sinned,[3:23] save the one who paid for all of them.[3:24]
In chapters 9–11 Paul addresses the faithfulness of God to Israel, where he says that God has been faithful to His promise. Paul hopes that all of Israel will come to realize the truth[9:1–5] since he himself was also an Israelite,[11:1] and had in the past been a persecutor of Early Christians. In Romans 9–11 Paul talks about how the nation of Israel has been cast away, and the conditions under which Israel will be God's chosen nation again: when Israel returns to its faith, sets aside its unbelief.[11:19–24]
In Romans 7:1, Paul says that humans are under the law while we live: "Know ye not...that the law hath dominion over a man as long as he liveth?" However, Jesus' death on the cross makes believers dead to the law (7:4, "Wherefore, my brethren, ye are also become dead to the law by the body of Christ"), according to an antinomistic interpretation.
Transformation of believers (12–15:13)[edit]
From chapter 12 through the first part of chapter 15, Paul outlines how the Gospel transforms believers and the behaviour that results from such a transformation. This transformation is described as a “renewing of your mind” (12:2),[33] a transformation that Douglas J. Moo characterizes as “the heart of the matter.”[34] It is a transformation so radical that it amounts to a “a transfiguration of your brain,” a "metanoia", a “mental revolution.”[35]
Paul goes on to describe how believers should live. Christians are no longer under the law, that is, no longer bound by the law of Moses,[36] but under the grace of God, see Law and grace. We do not need to live under the law because to the extent our minds have been renewed, we will know “almost instinctively” what God wants of us. The law then provides an “objective standard” for judging progress in the “lifelong process” of our mind’s renewal.[37]
To the extent they have been set free from sin by renewed minds (Romans 6:18),[38] believers are no longer bound to sin. Believers are free to live in obedience to God and love everybody. As Paul says in Romans 13:10, "love (ἀγάπη) worketh no ill to his neighbor: therefore love is the fulfilling of law".[39]
The fragment in Romans 13:1–7 dealing with obedience to earthly powers is considered by some, for example James Kallas,[40] to be a gloss incorporated later.[41](See also the Great Commandment and Christianity and politics).
Epilogue (15:1–16:23)[edit]
- Admonition (15:1–7)
- Summary of the Epistle (15:8)
Paul's ministry and travel plans (15:14–33)[edit]
The concluding verses contain a description of his travel plans, personal greetings and salutations. One-third of the twenty-one Christians identified in the greetings are women, some of whom played an important role in the early church at Rome. Additionally, none of these Christians answer to the name Peter, although according to the Catholic storyline, he had been ruling as Pope in Rome for about 25 years. Possibly related was the Incident at Antioch between Paul and Peter.
- Personal greetings (16:1–23 [24])
- Closing doxology (16:25–27)
Hermeneutics[edit]
Catholic interpretation[edit]
Catholics accept the necessity of faith for salvation but point to Romans 2:5–11 for the necessity of living a virtuous life as well:[42]
But by your hard and impenitent heart you are storing up wrath for yourself on the day of wrath when God's righteous judgment will be revealed. For he will render to every man according to his works: to those who by patience in well-doing seek for glory and honor and immortality, he will give eternal life; but for those who are factious and do not obey the truth, but obey wickedness, there will be wrath and fury. There will be tribulation and distress for every human being who does evil, the Jew first and also the Greek, but glory and honor and peace for every one who does good, the Jew first and also the Greek. For God shows no partiality.
Throughout his writings, St. Augustine strongly affirms the Catholic understanding of this and other such Scriptural admonitions. In his sermons to his Catholic congregations, he is especially careful to warn them against an inordinate desire for a complete assurance of salvation. In his Exposition of Psalm 147 for example, he states:[43]
The gospel warned us, "Be on the watch for the last day, the day when the Son of Man will come," because it will spell disaster for those it finds secure as they are now – secure for the wrong reasons, I mean, secure in the pleasures of this world, when they ought to be secure only when they havedominated this world's lusts. The apostle certainly prepares us for that future life in words of which I also reminded you on that occasion.
Again, in his Exposition of Psalm 85, Augustine is perhaps even more specific:[44]
Let us not expect security while we are on pilgrimage. When we do find ourselves wanting it, what we are looking for is bodily sluggishness rather than personal security.
Protestant interpretation[edit]
In the Protestant interpretation, the New Testament epistles (including Romans), describes salvation as coming from faith and not from righteous actions. For example, Romans 4:2–5 (emphasis added):
- "For if Abraham were justified by works, he hath whereof to glory; but not before God. For what saith the scripture? Abraham believed God, and it was counted unto him for righteousness. Now to him that worketh is the reward not reckoned of grace, but of debt. But to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted unto him for righteousness".
They also point out that in Romans 2, Paul says that God will reward those who follow the law and then goes on to say that no one follows the law perfectly (see also Sermon on the Mount: Interpretation)[Rom 2:21–25]
- Thou therefore which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself? thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal? Thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery, dost thou commit adultery? thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege? Thou that makest thy boast of the law, through breaking the law dishonourest thou God? For the name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles through you, as it is written. For circumcision verily profiteth, if thou keep the law: but if thou be a breaker of the law, thy circumcision is made uncircumcision.
Martin Luther described Paul's letter to the Romans as the "most important piece in the New Testament. It is purest Gospel. It is well worth a Christian's while not only to memorize it word for word but also to occupy himself with it daily, as though it were the daily bread of the soul".[45]
Luther controversially added the word "alone" (allein in German) to Romans 3:28 so that it read: "thus, we hold, then, that man is justified without doing the works of the law, alone through faith".[46] The word "alone" does not appear in the original Greek text,[47] but Luther defended his translation by maintaining that the adverb "alone" was required both by idiomatic German and Paul's intended meaning. This is a "literalist view" rather than an literal view of the Bible.[48]
The Romans Road refers to a set of scriptures from Romans that Christian evangelists use to present a clear and simple case for personal salvation for each person. They are: Romans 3:23, Romans 6:23, Romans 5:8, Romans 10:9–10, Romans 10:13, and Revelation 3:20.
Romans has been at the forefront of several major movements in Protestantism. Martin Luther's lectures on Romans in 1515–1516 probably coincided with the development of his criticism of Roman Catholicism which led to the 95 Theses of 1517. In 1738, while hearing Luther's Preface to the Epistle to the Romans read atSt. Botolph Church on Aldersgate Street in London, John Wesley famously felt his heart "strangely warmed", a conversion experience which is often seen as the beginning of Methodism. In 1919 Karl Barth's commentary on Romans, The Epistle to the Romans, was the publication which is widely seen as the beginning of neo-orthodoxy.
書信向羅馬
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在書信向羅馬，往往縮短到羅馬人，是第六本書在新約聖經。聖經學者都認為它是組成由使徒保羅解釋說，救恩是通過提供福音的基督耶穌。它是最長的的保羅書信，被認為是他的“最重要的神學傳統”。[ 1 ] [ 2 ]
一般介紹[ 編輯]
在認為耶穌會學者約瑟夫Fitzmyer，這本書，“通過與它涉及的話題，和猶太人的理由和救贖的福音的密度和崇高壓倒讀者希臘一樣由神藉著信耶穌的恩典基督，露出的正直和愛上帝的父親。“ [ 3 ]
新台幣賴特指出，羅馬人是
......既不是系統神學，也不保羅的一生工作的總結，但它是共同同意他的傑作。它相形見絀他的大部分其他著作，阿爾卑斯山的高峰矗立在群山和村莊。不是所有的圍觀者都認為它在相同的光或從同樣的角度，他們的快照和它的畫作有時明顯相差極大。不是所有的登山者都採取了同樣的路線了其龐大的兩側，且對最好的辦法經常意見分歧。什麼沒有人懷疑的是，我們在這裡處理海量物質的工作，呈現出強大的智力挑戰，同時提供令人驚嘆的神學和精神視野。[ 4 ]
署名權[ 編輯]
按照傳統的學術共識，保羅撰寫的書信向羅馬。很少有學者認為對保羅的著作。
行政首長協調會克蘭菲爾德，在介紹他的評論對羅馬人，說：
羅馬人用這樣的批評家保羅的作者身份的否定......現在正確地退居到新台幣獎學金的珍品中佔有一席之地。今天，任何一個負責任的批評糾紛的波利娜起源。其在使徒的父親使用的證據是清楚的，它被列和引為保羅的第二個世紀結束之前。新台幣每本書現存早期清單包括它在他的信件。真實性的外部證據確實難以做強; 它是完全證實了內部證據，語言，文體，文學，歷史和神學。[ 5 ]
約會[ 編輯]
這封信是最有可能寫的，保羅在哥林多，而他住在蓋尤斯的房子，並可能通過轉錄特爾蒂烏斯他的抄寫員。[ 6 ]有許多的原因，科林斯是最合理的。保羅正要前往耶路撒冷在寫這封信，它匹配徒[徒20:3] ，其中據報導，保羅在住了三個月希臘。這可能意味著科林斯，因為它是在希臘保羅的偉大宣教士成功的位置。[ 7 ]此外菲比是教會的Cenchreae，端口科林斯東邊的執事，和本來能夠傳達信羅馬後經過科林斯，並採取一艘船從科林斯的西口。[ 7 ]以拉都，在提到羅16:23，也住在科林斯是城市的專員為公共工程和市財政在不同的時間，再次表明該信寫在科林斯。[ 8 ]
在它被寫在精確的時間沒有在書信中提到，但它顯然是寫入時的集合耶路撒冷已經組裝和保羅正要“往耶路撒冷去，供給聖徒”，也就是在接近他的第二次訪問希臘，他的最後一次訪問這個城市之前的冬季。[ 9 ]多數學者寫上羅馬人提出的信寫於後期55/early 56或晚期56/early 57。[ 10 ]早期58和55月初都有一定的支持，而德國新約學者格爾德Lüdemann主張的日期早在51/52（或54/55）從諾克斯下面就誰提出的53/54。Lüdemann是唯一的嚴重挑戰中旬到50年代末的共識。[ 11 ]
訂閱[ 編輯]
一些手稿都在書信的結尾訂閱：
- προςΡωμαιους（“羅馬人”）被發現在這些手稿：西奈抄本，法典頸，梵諦岡法典，法典Ephraemi Rescriptus，食品bezae食品 ;
- προςΡωμαιουςεγραφηαποΚορινθου（“羅馬人這是從科林斯寫”）：乙2，D 2（P）;
- προςΡωμαιουςεγραφηαποΚορινθουδιαΦοιβηςτηςδιακονου（“它是從科林斯寫的太陽神執事的羅馬人”）：42，90，216，339，462，466 *，642 ;
- εγραφηηπροςΡωμαιουςεπιστοληδιαΤερτιουεπεμφτηδεδιαΦοιβηςαποΚορινθιωντηςενΚεγχρεαιςεκκλησιας（“書信向羅馬人寫的特爾蒂烏斯，並從教會在哥林多前書送交由Phoebus Cenchreae “）：只在337 ;
- προςΡωμαιουςεγραφηαποΚορινθουδιαΦοιβηςτηςδιακονουτηςενΚεγχρεαιςεκκλησιας（“它是從科林斯寫的太陽神的教會Cenchreae的執事羅馬人”）：101，241，460，466，469，602，603，605，618，1923年，1924年，1927年，1932年，其次是Web網站receptus。[ 12 ]
保羅的生命就他的書信[ 編輯]
十年來寫這封信（約47-57）之前，保羅周圍接壤的領土前往愛琴海傳福音。教堂被種植的羅馬省份加拉太，馬其頓，亞該亞和亞洲。保羅，考慮到他的任務完成後，要傳福音在西班牙，在那裡他不會“建立在別人的根基”。[羅15:20] [ 13 ]這允許他訪問羅馬的途中，時間長了志氣他。羅馬人的信，在某種程度上，他們準備並給出理由為他的訪問。[ 13 ]
除了 保羅的地理位置，他的宗教觀點是重要的。首先，保羅是一個希臘化猶太人有一個法利賽人的背景（見迦瑪列），完整以他的身份，見使徒保羅和猶太教的細節。他為他的人民擔心的是整個信的對話和運行中的一個組成部分。其次，對話的另一邊是保羅的轉換和調用跟隨基督在30年代初。
教會在羅馬[ 編輯]
最有可能的古代賬戶基督教在羅馬的開始是由一個4世紀的作家被稱為給出Ambrosiaster：[ 14 ]
它是建立有猶太人生活在羅馬的使徒時代，而那些猶太人誰曾相信[基督]轉嫁到羅馬人的傳統，他們應該信奉基督，但守律法[聖經] .. ，一個人不應該譴責羅馬人，而是要讚美自己的信仰，因為沒有看到任何跡象或奇蹟，並沒有看到任何的使徒，但它們接受了信仰基督，雖然根據猶太儀式。[ 15 ]
從亞當·克拉克：
寫書信之際：...保羅曾與基督徒在羅馬所有情況下作出的熟人......，並發現它是......部分異教徒皈依基督教，以及部分猶太人，誰曾與許多其餘的偏見，相信耶穌是真正的彌賽亞，而且許多爭論源於外邦人的索賠與猶太人平等的特權，並從猶太人絕對拒絕承認這些說法，除非詹蒂萊轉換成為割禮 ; 他寫了這封信來調整和解決這些分歧。[ 16 ]
在這個時候，猶太人做了相當數量的在羅馬，和他們的猶太教堂，許多經常光顧，使外邦人成為熟悉的故事，拿撒勒人耶穌。因此，教會的猶太人和外邦人組成形成於羅馬。據愛任紐，第2個世紀的教堂神父，羅馬教會是由使 徒直接創辦彼得和保羅。[ 17 ]然而，許多現代學者不同意愛任紐，認為雖然很少有人知道的教會成立的情況下， ，它不是由保羅創立。[ 18 ]
許多弟兄出去迎接保羅在他的方法去羅馬。【徒28:13-15]有證據表明，基督徒當時在羅馬相當數量和可能有不止一處會議。[ 19 ]
猶太人從羅馬被驅逐出境，因為干擾大約公元49 聖旨的克勞狄斯。[ 20 ] Fitzmyer聲稱，猶太人和基督徒，猶太人被逐出他們內訌的結果。[ 21 ] 克勞各地公元54死了，他的繼任者，尼祿皇帝，允許猶太人回到羅馬，但隨後，在經過羅馬的大火災的64，基督徒受到迫害。Fitzmyer認為，與猶太人的54個新的衝突重返羅馬的外邦基督徒，誰以前被驅逐的猶太人基督徒之間發生。[ 22 ]凱克認為外邦基督徒可能已經制定了一個不喜歡或看不起猶太人（見也反猶太主義和對耶穌的死的責任），因為他們神學合理化的猶太人不再是上帝的子民。[ 23 ]
風格[ 編輯]
雖然學者們往往能夠決定從他們的信件新台幣作家上下文的各個方面，它更難以理解保羅寫信給羅馬人。學者往往難以評估羅馬書是否是一個字母或書信：
阿信是什麼非文學，誰是彼此分離的人之間的溝通手段。機密和個人性的，它僅用於向誰得到解決，而不是在所有的一人或多人為公眾或任何形式的宣傳...的書信是一種藝術的文學形式，就像對話中，祭文，或戲劇。它沒有任何共同之處，除了它的形式的信：除了那一個冒昧的書信是一個真正的一封信相反的悖論。書信的內容是用於宣傳，他們在感興趣的目標“公眾”。[ 24 ]
約瑟夫Fitzmyer認為，從證據提出的Stirewalt，即羅馬人的風格是一個“徵文字母。” [ 25 ] 菲利普梅蘭希中，在一個作家的改革，認為是羅馬人人均等以最universae doctrinae christianae（“摘要所有的基督教教義“）。[ 26 ]雖然一些學者試圖說明，像梅蘭希，它是一種神學論述的，這種觀點在很大程度上忽略的章節14和15的羅馬人。也有從羅馬人很多“值得一提的元素”失踪包含在寶蓮語料庫的其他領域。[ 27 ]羅作為論文的崩潰始於FC鮑爾在1836年時，他建議“這封信必須根據來解釋的歷史環境中，保羅寫的。“ [ 26 ]
保羅有時會使用他的時間寫常見的風格稱為“謾罵”。他似乎回應了“黑克勒”，和信的結構一系列的參數。在信的流量，保羅轉移他的論點，有時處理教會的猶太成員，有時外邦成員，有時教會作為一個整體。
寫作的目的[ 編輯]
書信向羅馬人的主要目的是通過保羅在給羅馬1:1，在那裡他透露，他設置除了上帝為傳福音，這是他解釋的目的。他希望傳授給羅馬讀者的鼓勵和保證的禮物在所有神開恩賜給他們（見羅馬書1:11-12 ; 哥林多前書2:12）。
使徒在發號施令這封信對他而言，抄寫員特爾蒂烏斯[16:22]也掛接在下半年第15章：
- 保羅問祈禱為他即將到來的旅程到耶路撒冷; 他希望從外邦教會收集的產品將被接受那裡。
- 保羅計劃前往羅馬從耶路撒冷和花一些時間有移動到西班牙之前; 他希望羅馬教會會支持他的使命，西班牙。
- 由於保羅從來沒有去過羅馬，他概述了他的福音，使他的教學將不會被認為“假教師”的混淆。
- 保羅知道有外邦人之間的一些衝突猶太基督徒在羅馬教會，和他討論這些問題（章13和第14的一半）。而羅馬教會是由猶太基督徒，從羅馬猶太人的流亡於公元49所創立想必克勞導致外邦基督徒採取領導職務。
檢討現行的學術觀點對羅馬人而言，還有一個參考書目，看到保羅的詞典和他的信件。[ 28 ]對於16世紀的“羅拉德”改革者認為，可以參照到工作威廉·丁道爾。在他的開場白他入鄉隨俗，這在很大程度上是來自德國宗教改革的序幕書的翻譯馬丁路德，丁道爾寫道：
...這書信是主要的和新約中最優秀的部分，也是最純粹的福音，也就是說喜訊和我們所說的福音，也一盞燈，在對整本聖經的方式...這封信的著作的總和，整個事業，就是要證明一個人是因信稱義唯一：無論誰不認的主張，他不僅是這封信和所有的保羅writeth，也是整個經文，所以關起來，他將永遠不會理解到他的靈魂的健康。並把一個人的理解和感情，信仰只是為義，保羅proveth，人的整個自然界是如此的毒害，所以腐敗，是啊，所以死了就過敬虔的生活，或虔誠的思想，這是不可能為她保留律法在神面前。[ 29 ]
目錄[ 編輯]
本文字母由保羅組成是寫給特定受眾在特定的時間; 了解它，保羅和受助人的情況下，必須理解。
序言（1:1-15）[ 編輯]
問候（1:1-7）[ 編輯]
引進[羅1:1-16]提供了一些關於保羅的一般說明。他介紹他的使徒在這裡和關於他希望傳道給羅馬教會的福音入門筆記。從耶穌的人行莖大衛。[1:3]保羅，但是，不會限制他的事工猶太人。保羅的目標是，外邦人也得聽福音。[1:5]
感恩的禱告（1:8-15）[ 編輯]
他讚揚了羅馬人對他們的信仰。[1:8]保羅也談到了已經封鎖了他來羅馬早期過去的障礙。[1:11-13]
救恩在基督裡（1:16-8:39）[ 編輯]
神的公義（1:16-17）[ 編輯]
保羅宣布自己是不是“羞恥”（epaiscúnomai他的福音書），因為它擁有功率（靈力事奉）。這兩節經文形成背景為本書的其餘部分。首先，我們注意到，保羅是毫無顧忌的他對這個福音，他宣揚耶穌基督的愛。他還指出，他說話的“先是猶太人。” [1:16]有重要的意義這一點，但其中很大一部分是學術猜想作為關係使徒保羅和猶太教仍有爭議。我們正苦於無法找到一個答案，這樣的問題不知道更多觀眾的問題。韋恩·布林德認為，根據保羅的反對前者的著作猶太教徒在加拉太書和哥林多後書，那謠言可能傳播有關保羅完全否定猶太存在於基督教的世界觀，又見反律法主義在新約和Supersessionism。保羅可能使用了“猶太人第一”的方針來對付這樣的觀點。[ 30 ]
譴責：外邦人和猶太人的普遍腐敗（1:18-3:20）[ 編輯]
上帝的審判（1:18-32）[ 編輯]
保羅現在開始到他信的主旨。他一開始就表明人類已經採取了不虔不義的人其中有將怒氣從仇敵神。[1:18]人們已經採取上帝的無形的形象，使他成為一個偶像。保羅大量借鑒這裡從所羅門的智慧。[ 31 ]他譴責非自然性行為，並警告說，這種行為將導致墮落的身體和心靈[26-27] ，並說，人誰做這樣的事情（包括謀殺和邪惡[1:29] ）是當死的。[1:32]保羅堅決反對的偶像崇拜體系在羅馬這是常見的。
偽君子保羅的警告（2:1-4）[ 編輯]
對傳統新教解釋，保羅在這裡召喚出猶太人誰在譴責別人不遵守法律，他們自己也沒有遵守法律的時候。斯坦利斯托爾斯，然而，辯稱對修辭理由是保羅在這幾節經文不是解決猶太人所有，而是典型的自吹自擂的人（ὁἀλαζων）的易於識別的漫畫。斯托爾斯寫道，“我們絕對沒有理由閱讀2:1-5保羅對攻擊'猶太人的虛偽。“ 沒有人在第一世紀就已經確定了浩alazon與猶太教，那流行的解釋取決於anachronistically閱讀猶太人後來的基督教刻畫為“虛偽的法利賽人 '“。[ 32 ]參見反猶太教。
理由：恩典和寬恕通過信仰的禮物（3:21-5:11）[ 編輯]
保羅說，神的公義已使自己知道除了法律，該法律和先知。作證，這就是神的義，因信耶穌對所有誰相信[3:21-22]他描述的理由 -依法清算罪的定罪和處罰的信徒-作為禮物神，[3:24] ，而不是人的工作（否則他可能會自誇），但是因著信 [3:28]
得救的保證（5-11）[ 編輯]
在章節5到8，保羅認為信徒可以放心他們的希望中得救，已經脫離了罪的捆綁。保羅教導，通過信仰，[3:28] [4:3]的忠實已經加入了耶穌[5:1] ，並脫離了罪。[6:1-2] [6:18]信徒應該在慶祝得救的確據。[12:12]這應許是開放給所有人，因為所有人都犯了罪，[3:23]除支付所有的人誰的人。[3:24]
在9-11章保羅涉及的信實的神為以色列，在那裡，他說，神一直忠實於自己的諾言。保羅希望，所有以色列將認識到的真理[9:1-5] ，因為他自己也是一個以色列人， [11:1] ，並在過去一直是一個迫害早期基督徒。在羅馬書9-11保羅談到如何以色列國已拋棄，並在何種條件下，以色列將再次成為上帝的選民國家：以色列時，返回到它的信仰，留出了不信[11:19-24]
在羅馬書7:1，保羅說，人類是根據法律規定，而我們的生活：“你們不知道......該法祂所統治的人，只要他活著” 然而，在十字架上的耶穌的死，使信徒死法（7:4，“所以我弟兄們，你們也死了。法律由基督的身體」），根據一個antinomistic解釋。
信徒的轉換（12-15:13）[ 編輯]
從第12章至第15章的第一部分，保羅概述了如何福音轉變信徒，結果從這種轉變的行為。這種轉變形容為“更新你的心靈”（12:2），[ 33 ]這種轉移道格拉斯J.武定性為“問題的心臟。” [ 34 ]這是一個轉變如此激進，這相當於到“你的大腦的變身”，一個“ 義傳 “，一個”精神革命“。[ 35 ]
保羅接著描述信徒應該如何生活。基督徒不再受法律，即由摩西的律法不再約束，[ 36 ]但神的恩典下，見律法與恩典。我們不需要在法律上生活，因為在某種程度上我們的頭腦已經被更新，我們就知道“幾乎是本能地”神要我們的。法律則提供了一個“客觀的標準”在我們心靈的重建“一輩子的事情”判斷的進展。[ 37 ]
他們已經確定從自由的程度罪被重新心中（羅馬書6:18），[ 38 ]信徒不再綁定罪。信徒可以自由地生活在順服神，愛大家。正如保羅在羅馬書13:10，“愛（ἀγάπη）是不加害與人的，所以愛是法律的實現”。[ 39 ]
在羅馬書13:1-7片段處理順從地上的權力是由一些考慮，例如詹姆斯·卡拉斯，[ 40 ]是一個後來成立的光澤。[ 41 ]（另見大誡命與基督教和政治）。
後記（15:1-16:23）[ 編輯]
- 訓誡（15:1-7）
- 書信摘要（15:8）
保羅的事工和旅行計劃（15:14-33）[ 編輯]
結論性的詩句包含他的旅行計劃，個人的問候和敬意的描述。三分之一的二十一基督徒的問候確定的是女性，其中一些人在羅馬早期教會發揮了重要作用。此外，沒有這些基督徒的回答名字彼得，雖然根據天主教的故事情節，他被裁定為教皇在羅馬大約25年。可能是相關的事件在安提阿保羅和彼得之間。
- 個人問候語（16:1-23 [24]）
- 關閉頌讚（16:25-27）
詮釋學[ 編輯]
天主教解釋[ 編輯]
天主教徒接受救恩，但一點信心的必要性羅2:5-11對於一個生活的必要性良性的生活，以及：[ 42 ]
但是，您的硬盤和不知悔改的心臟正在積蓄忿怒為自己在發怒的日子，當神的公義的審判將被揭示。因為他會根據他的作品呈現給每個人：那些誰通過耐心行善，尋求榮耀，尊貴和不能朽壞，他會給永生; 但對於那些誰是結黨，不順從真理，反順從邪惡，會有憤怒和狂暴。會有磨難和痛苦為每個人誰作惡，先是猶太人，也是希臘，但榮耀，尊貴，平安為每一個誰做的好，先是猶太人，後是希臘人。因為神是不偏待人。
在他的著 作中，聖奧古斯丁強烈申明這和其他類似聖經的訓誡天主教的理解。在他的布道，以他的天主教教會，他特別小心，警告他們不要過多渴望救贖的完全保證。在他的詩篇147的博覽會為例，他說：[ 43 ]
福音告誡我們：“要提防的最後一天，當人子會來的一天”，因為它會帶來災難對那些它認為安全的，因為他們現在-保護錯誤的原因，我的意思是，爭取在這個世界的樂趣，當他們應該是安全的，只有當他們已經統治這個世界的慾望。使徒當然我們準備為未來的生活的話，而我也提醒你在那個場合。
同樣，在他的詩篇85的博覽會，奧古斯丁或許更具體：[ 44 ]
讓我們沒有想到的安全性，而我們都在朝聖。當我們這樣做發現自己想要它，我們正在尋找的是身體的低迷，而不是人身安全。
新教解釋[ 編輯]
在新教解釋，新約書信（包括羅馬），描述了救恩來自信心，而不是從正義的行動來。例如，羅馬書4:2-5（強調）：
- “倘若亞伯拉罕是因行為稱義，就有可誇的，但不能在神面前為上說什麼呢亞伯拉罕。？信神，這就算為他的義現在他這樣看來，作事不可忽視的獎勵。恩，但是債務，但他認為並不成就，只信他稱他們為義不敬虔的人，他 的信就算為他的義“。
他們還指出，在羅馬人2，保羅說，上帝會獎勵那些誰遵循規律，然後接著說，沒有一個遵循規律完美（參見登山寶訓：解讀）[羅馬書2:21-25 ]
- 所以你教導別人，還不教導自己？你講說人不可偷竊，自己還偷竊你？你說人不可姦淫，自己還姦淫？你厭惡偶像，自己還偷竊廟中之物？你這擺設的律法誇口，通過違反法律，玷辱神？因為神的名字是褻瀆的中間外邦人通過你，因為它是寫。對於包皮環切實實在在無益，如果你守法律，但如果你是對法律的斷路器，你的割禮是由未受割禮。
馬丁·路德描述保羅寫信給羅馬人在新約聖經中“最重要的一塊，這是最純粹的福音，這是非常值得基督徒的同時不僅要記住它一個字一個字也給日常佔據自己有了它，就好像它是靈魂的每天的麵包“。[ 45 ]
路德有爭議添加單詞“單獨”（allein在德國），以羅馬書3:28，使其寫著：“因此，我們認為，當時，這名男子是沒有做法律的行為稱義，孤獨。通過信仰“ [ 46 】這個詞“獨”不會出現在原來的希臘文，[ 47 ]但路德通過維護副詞“獨”是由地道的德國和保羅的本意既需要捍衛自己的翻譯。這是一種“寫實主義觀”，而不是一個字面看聖經。[ 48 ]
在羅馬路是指一組經文從羅馬基督徒傳福音的使用提出一個簡單明了的情況下，個人的救贖每個人。它們是：羅馬書3:23，羅馬書6:23，羅馬書5:8，羅馬書10:9-10，羅馬書10:13，啟示錄3:20。
羅馬人一直在幾個主要的變動新教。前列馬丁·路德對羅馬人在1515年至1516年的演講可能與他批評的發展恰逢羅馬天主教而導致95論文 1517年，在1738年，而聽路德的前言書信向羅馬人在讀聖 聖博托爾夫教堂Aldersgate街在倫敦，約翰衛斯理著名覺得自己的心臟“奇怪的溫暖”，這往往被視為的開端轉換經驗理宗。1919年卡爾·巴特的羅馬書，解說的書信向羅馬人，是被廣泛視為年初發布新正統派。
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